2001. Vol. 2. No. 2

This is the first time when an integral «portrait» of the Russian labour market in transition is given in the Russian economic literature. The first part covers the differences in the dynamics of the employment, unemployment, working time and wage indicators in Russia and the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The specific focus is given to the various non-standard forms of adaptation on the Russian labour market, – part-time and additional employment, wage arrears, informal payment and etc. The second part is devoted to the analysis of the employment strategies of the Russian industrial enterprises. The dominating topic in the paper is the predominance of the informal rules and norms, which facilitate the short-term adaptation to the ongoing changes and slow down the long-term restructurisation of the Russian labour market. 

Work takes a considerable part of our life; its significance is even bigger if we take into account the work at home. It is also obvious that there is visible inequality between males and females on the labour market. Despite the fact that women play an active role on the labour market they bear the most part of the home work. Even if a woman has a well-paid job she is traditionally responsible for home duties. Our knowledge in this topic is so rich that it becomes suspicious. Moreover there are a lot of feministic speculations of «downtroddenness» of Russian women that they work like men on the labour market plus they do all the home work.There are also other speculations like that the gender discrimination disappears in the cities as men are more and more engaged in home work. 

The ten years of reforms in Post-Soviet Russia did not solve the problem of effective rural economy formation but led to the considerable worsening of socio-economic situation of the most part of the rural population. The market reorganization of the collective farms ended up with factual bankruptcy for many of them. Recent farmers lost the limited advantages of the Soviet period – stable employment in the collective farms and money payments. The changes in the agrarian sector of economy were the reasons for twoatfirstsightparadoxical phenomena. The first one is that workers do not get money payments for several years but still have the job position at economically poor farming enterprises. A sharp increase of the personal subsidiary plots production accounts for that they took the leading positions in meat and milk production in the country. 

The paper includes the results of the analysis of the economic programs of political parties focusing on their ideology. The «ideal» typology of four ideological systems: Conservatism, Liberalism, Democratism and Socialism, was taken as an analytical instrument. This typology helped to analyze the economic programs of CPRF, «Apple» and «Unity». It was showed that the ideologies were reproduced as principle hybrids at the program level, based on interaction and intersection of the various «pure» ideologies. Moreover the author disclosed the special techniques, which allowed combining the principles of competing ideologies within one program without obvious contradictions. The final part of the paper is aimed at the discussion of the differences in ideological and lexical contents of the programs.  

This paper questions the disciplinary division of labor whereby economists study value and sociologists study values; and it rejects the pact whereby economists study the economy and sociologists study the social relations in which economies are embedded. One of the core tasks of economic sociology is to develop a sociology of worth. I explore these themes by discussing the emergence of a new organizational form: heterarchy. Heterarchies are characterized by lateral accountability and the organization of diversity. In them we find an active rivalry of heterogeneous principles of evaluation as actors manuver in multiple networks by attempting to hold resources that are legitimated in more than one regime of worth. Examples of such organizational innovations are drawn from a longitudinal study of the intersecting ownership portfolios of firms in postsocialist Hungary and from my recent research on strategic alliances among new media firms in Manhattan’s Silicon Valley.